Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution

Back to main evidence
        Annex 1
        On to annex 2

Introduction

This chapter examines why current trends in planning settlements are unsustainable and the lessons that can be drawn if they are to be planned more sustainably in the future. Two main planning trends are examined: the dispersal of population and activities and the centralisation of services and facilities. The chapter then identifies some of the environmental consequences of these two planning trends, and discusses ways in which land use planning might reverse these unsustainable trends. The chapter shows how a strategy of decentralised concentration may lead to more sustainable patterns of development, which has a number of implications for the planning of neighbourhoods. Although the focus of this chapter is primarily the UK, many of the trends in land use, impacts and recommendations are applicable in a wider context.

Unsustainable Land Use Trends

The Dispersal of Population and Activities

Evidence from previous censuses highlights a continuing decline in population in large urban areas and an increase in population in rural areas (Table 1). Between 1981 and 1991, the population of London and the metropolitan districts fell by approximately 903,000, whilst the population of the rest of England and Wales increased by approximately 846,000 (Breheny and Rockwood, 1993).

The population dispersal trends between 1981 and 1991 are a continuation of trends over a longer timescale of 30 years or more (see for example Fielding and Halford, 1990). Rural areas have experienced highest population increases in percentage and absolute terms. These changes in population have been accompanied by shifts in employment and retailing but evidence suggests that the dispersal is associated with longer travel distances, fewer journeys by foot or bicycle and the increased reliance on private transport (ECOTEC, 1993). Travel distance in rural areas is more than 50 per cent higher than in large metropolitan areas, whilst travel distance by foot in rural areas is below half that in metropolitan areas (ibid.).

The dispersal of population and activities has clearly increased the development pressure on greenfield land although the use of greenfield land for housing was reduced in the last decade (Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions, 1997). Over half of the area of new housing was developed on greenfield land in 1985 whereas just under 40 per cent of the area of new housing was built on greenfield land in 1994. The consumption of greenfield land nevertheless continues albeit as a smaller proportion of all land used. The consumption of greenfield land could increase if the supply of brownfield land falls. According to recent government forecasts the increase in new households between 1991 and 2016 may be 4.4 million (HM Government, 1996). Assuming that 40 per cent of these new households are built on greenfield sites at a gross density of 40 houses per hectare (which is well above the average local authority density standard reported by Breheny and Archer, 1998), 44,000 hectares of greenfield land will be required (equivalent to 1,760 hectares per year). A similar amount of land may be required to accommodate the development of industry, commerce and transport infrastructure. Despite the introduction of density considerations into PPG13 in 1994 there are few signs that development densities are increasing (see Breheny and Archer, 1998).

The Centralisation of Services and Facilities

Many different types of services and facilities have been centralised, where fewer, larger services and facilities have replaced a large number of small-scale ones. Examples include shops, schools and hospitals. The total number of retail outlets has declined by more than 15 per cent over the last decade, whilst the number and proportion of supermarkets has increased (Central Statistical Office, 1997). Supermarkets have eroded the profitability of smaller shops and forced some out of business. Many supermarkets are at edge of town or out-of-town locations which are not conducive to short journeys and encourage shopping by car. Smaller schools have been closed and the concept of school catchments has lessened as a consequence of the increasing emphasis on parental choice (see for example Stead and Davis, 1998). These factors have acted to increase travel distances and increase reliance on motorised forms of transport. Similarly smaller hospitals have been closed because it is claimed that larger hospitals are needed to provide specialised treatment. Elkin et al (1991 p.69) argue however that specialised treatment is a small part of medical care and that a larger number of smaller medical facilities would be preferable from the perspective of both patient and service provider.

In addition to the centralisation of existing services and facilities, few new services and facilities have been provided in major new residential developments. A study of facility provision and travel patterns in five major new housing developments in the west of England, each containing more than 1,000 houses, reveals a paucity of provision (Farthing et al, 1997). None of the developments had their own bank, only one area had a secondary school and two developments did not have a post office or primary school.

Various economic, social and quality of life factors have influenced the land use changes described above but one of the most important factors has been the cost of transport. The real price of fuel and oil fell by almost 8 per cent between 1975 and 1995. The real cost of car travel, including the costs of insurance, servicing, repairs, road tax, fuel and oil, also fell (Department of the Environment, 1996). During the same period the cost of bus and rail travel increased by over 50 per cent in real terms, higher than the increase in disposable income. Thus car travel became more affordable whilst public transport became more expensive.

The dispersal of population and activities and the centralisation of services and facilities have clearly influenced the self-containment of settlements. Breheny (1992) reports changes in the self-containment of new towns in Britain and comparable towns in southern England between 1951 and 1981, showing how self-containment in settlements reached a peak in the mid-1960s before the growth in mass car ownership and how self-containment has since declined. It is likely that land use trends such as the dispersal of population and activities and the centralisation of services in combination with increasing levels of car ownership and use have led to the declining self-containment of settlements.

Summary

The dispersal of population and activities and the centralisation of services and facilities has led to a number of impacts on transport and the environment. Many of the impacts on transport have resulted in a vicious circle of decline in which land use changes have increased the need to travel and discouraged more sustainable modes. At the same time, higher rates of travel and car ownership have led to less sustainable patterns of development (Figure 2). Furthermore, the dispersal of population and activities and the centralisation of services and facilities have led to social impacts such as the increased difficulty of carrying out day to day activities for less mobile groups of society (e.g. children and the elderly).

The planning of new development and its associated infrastructure has traditionally been based on a demand-led or 'predict and provide' approach, where trend-based projections are used to plan for future demand. Trends in the dispersal of population and activities and the centralisation of services and facilities have occurred due to assumptions about continuing trends in travel and mobility for example. There are however environmental and social problems associated with a 'predict and provide' approach. It assumes that there are no limits to growth and that demand can always be met. There are however clear limits to the growth of development in terms of resource and pollution constraints. The supply of land for infrastructure is finite and therefore limited, and the growth of transport is limited by air quality. There is evidence that there has been some move away from the 'predict and provide' approach in the planning of new development and infrastructure over the last decade (see Guy & Marvin, 1996). A variety of factors have contributed to these changes and include regulatory, commercial, environmental and economic factors. However, the 'predict and provide' approach is still strong in many aspects of the planning process.

The environmental impacts of recent planning trends are examined using environmental indicators to illustrate changes over time. There are also social and economic impacts associated with current trends in planning new settlements but these are not examined here. The section focuses on two main types of environmental impacts, namely resource consumption and environmental pollution. Most indicators of environmental pollution and resource use represent impacts that have increased over the last decade and which deserve particular attention in order to prevent further increases. Other indicators however represent impacts which have not increased overall, but which have increased significantly in certain sectors (in the transport sector for example). The development of more sustainable settlements must clearly seek to reduce these impacts.

Resource Consumption

Four environmental indicators of resource consumption are examined in this section: energy consumption, land urbanised, water abstraction and minerals extraction (Table 2).

Table 2. Indicators of Resource Consumption

Energy Consumption
Because energy supply in Britain is heavily based on fossil fuels, such as coal, gas and oil, energy consumption is an indicator of the depletion of non-renewable resources and the emissions of pollutants associated with the combustion of fossil fuels (such as carbon dioxide, sulphur dioxide and nitrogen oxides - see the following section on Environmental Pollution). Energy consumption per capita remained fairly constant over the last decade, although the three main sectors experienced quite different trends. Energy consumption in the industry and commerce sector decreased, whilst domestic energy consumption per capita remained fairly constant. At the same time, however, energy consumption in the transport sector increased. The transport sector is now the largest and fastest increasing consumer of energy, due principally to increased travel distances, the growth in road and air transport and the decline in more sustainable modes of transport such as walking and cycling. Vehicle engines became more fuel efficient but factors including unleaded petrol, catalytic converters, higher safety standards, higher specifications and performance tended to counter the fuel efficiency gains from improved engine design (Department of the Environment, 1996). These factors, together with a fall in the average numbers of passengers per car and a fall in bus use, caused a reduction in the overall fuel efficiency of road passenger transport. Despite evidence for a certain amount of policy reorientation over the period 1985 to 1995, specifically in relation to increased emphasis on demand management, the effects to date have been limited and there is considerable scope for greater energy efficiency in the transport and domestic sectors (see chapters 14 and 15 respectively).

Land Urbanised
The use of land for development is an indicator of the depletion of agricultural land. It is also an approximate indicator of the loss of ecological habitats, public open space and biodiversity. In 1985, over half of the area of new housing was developed on greenfield land, whereas less than 40 per cent of the area of new housing was developed on greenfield land in 1995. Similarly, over half of the area of non-housing development (mainly commercial and industrial property) was built on greenfield land in 1985, whereas less than 40 per cent of the area of non-housing development was built on greenfield land in 1995. The proportion of greenfield land is clearly decreasing but consumption is nevertheless still continuing (albeit at a slower rate). Thus, although a smaller proportion of development is being built on greenfield land than a decade ago, a substantial amount of greenfield land is being used for new development and the rate of consumption of greenfield land could begin to increase again if the supply of brownfield falls.

Water Abstraction
Water abstraction is associated with environmental impacts such as the loss of land for the construction of reservoirs, and the possible loss of ecological habitats and biodiversity. Water abstraction is also an indicator of various impacts on the natural and built environment, such as species loss or building subsidence, caused by lowering of the water table. Water consumption per capita has fluctuated over the last decade but has overall remained fairly constant in both domestic and industrial/commercial sectors. Increased emphasis on demand management in the water sector appears to have had limited effect to date, and there is considerable scope for more efficient domestic water use, such as the use of 'grey-water' systems (see chapter 7).

Minerals Extraction
The extraction of minerals has implications for the depletion of agricultural land, the loss of ecological habitats and biodiversity, landscape quality, nuisance and disturbance (noise, dust, etc.). Roadstone and sand and gravel are both extracted in large quantities in Britain and the majority is used in the development of settlements. Roadstone extraction per capita increased by almost one third between 1985 and 1995 as a consequence of increased road building and maintenance. The rate of extraction of sand and gravel decreased over this period. Nevertheless, these trends are unsustainable and substantial amounts of sand and gravel are still required for new development. More sustainable settlements must promote the use of fewer resources in both the construction and maintenance of development. There may be scope to reduce the consumption of consumption mineral resources by reducing the wastage of construction materials and increasing the amount of recycled building materials used.

Environmental Pollution

Three environmental indicators of environmental pollution are examined in this section: carbon dioxide (CO2), nitrogen oxides (NOX) and particulates (Table 3).

Table 3. Indicators of Environmental Pollution

Carbon Dioxide
Carbon dioxide (CO2) is the most important greenhouse gas and is thought to be responsible for global warming and consequent climate change. Emissions of CO2 are mainly produced by the combustion of fossil fuels for energy. Thus, CO2 emissions are closely linked to energy consumption. Between 1985 and 1995, CO2 emissions per capita in Britain remained relatively constant, in line with trends in energy consumption per capita (see above). On the basis of current projections, it seems likely that stabilisation of CO2 emissions in Britain by 2000 may be met, but longer term targets of CO2 reduction may be more difficult to achieve, due mainly to the growth in transport energy consumption. Trends in CO2 emissions for the three main sectors (industry and commerce, transport and domestic) experienced different trends between over the last decade. Domestic CO2 emissions per capita remained fairly constant, whilst CO2 emissions per capita from the industry and commerce sector fell. CO2 emissions from the transport sector, on the other hand, increased and are likely to continue to increase unless traffic growth is strongly restrained. Economic and land use factors have contributed to the increases in transport-related CO2 emissions (see previous section on Unsustainable Trends).

Nitrogen Oxides
Nitrogen oxides cause national and transnational pollution and contribute to acid deposition. They also contribute to the formation of secondary pollutants, giving rise to photochemical smog and poor air quality. More than half of all NOX emissions now originate from road transport. Overall, NOX emissions decreased between 1985 and 1995. Emissions of NOX are relatively small in the domestic and industrial/commercial sectors, and both sectors experienced a decrease in NOX emissions. Emissions of NOX from the transport experienced a rapid increase up to 1989, followed by a steady decrease to 1995. Between 1985 and 1995, the net increase in NOX emissions from transport was approximately 4 per cent. Emissions of NOX are expected to continue to decrease beyond 2000 due largely to the reduction in emissions from road transport as a result of catalytic converters. However, NOX emissions may begin to increase again by around 2010 as increasing levels of traffic outweigh the emission reductions achieved by catalytic converters (see Department of the Environment, 1997). Thus, technology might assist in reducing pollutants such as NOX in the short and medium term, but other solutions, such as land use planning are also needed to address the problem in the longer-term.

Particulates
The majority of particulates, mainly carbon and unburnt or partially burnt organic compounds, now originate from road transport although the domestic sector was the largest source of emissions ten years ago. Airborne particulate matter is the primary cause of the soiling of buildings and visibility loss on hazy days. The medical impacts associated with particulates include respiratory problems, such as the increased susceptibility to asthma and mortality (Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution, 1994). Emissions of particulates from the industry and commerce sector have remained very low over the last decade. Emissions from the domestic sector have fallen substantially due to changes in domestic fuel from coal to gas, whilst emissions from the transport sector have increased rapidly as a result of the growth in traffic levels and the increased use of diesel which produces more particulate matter. Emissions of particulates, like emissions of NOX, are expected to decrease until around 2010 after which they may begin increasing again as traffic growth outweighs the reductions achieved through technological means. Again, technology might assist in reducing pollution in the short and medium term, but land use planning is also needed to address the problem of particulates in the longer-term.

Summary

The indicators of resource consumption and environmental pollution examined above show that a number of environmental impacts associated with existing settlements and lifestyles are worsening, even within the timescale of a single decade. The indicators identify impacts that deserve particular attention if progress towards more sustainable development is to be made. Some of the indicators show that although environmental impacts are not currently increasing overall, certain sectors require particular attention if future increases in environmental impacts are to be avoided (in the transport sector for example). Technology might assist in reducing environmental pollution in the short and medium term, but other means of addressing the problem are also needed to in the longer-term. Land use planning and its influence on various environmental impacts has a role to play in this respect. The externalities of many environmental impacts are unequally spread. Groups who experience most environmental pollution may be those who contribute least. Urban residents, for example, are more likely to suffer from air pollution from transport but produce less pollution from transport than rural dwellers. As Korten (1995, p.30) observes:

"although it is true that poor people are far more likely to be living next to waste dumps, polluting factories and other scenes of environmental devastation than are wealthy people, this doesn't mean that they are major consumers of the products in those factories."

Land use planning offers opportunities to reduce the environmental impacts of settlements and also offers the potential to address the social inequalities of environmental pollution. Acutt and Dodgson (1996) show that land use planning is one of only a few measures that might both reduce travel and also contribute to a more equitable arrangement of land uses (Table 4). Furthermore, land use planning has the potential to address the causes of transport problems rather than the effects.

Table 4. Impacts of Policy Measures on Travel Distance (by Car) and Equity Issues

Reversing Current Land Use and Environmental Trends
Strong unsustainable trends require equally strong action to reverse them. This section identifies how a set of land use planning measures, which together form a strategy of concentrated corridor and nodal development, might reverse currently unsustainable trends. A strategy for concentrating development in transport corridors and nodes has the potential to reduce both resource consumption and environmental pollution. A number of complementary land use planning measures are crucial to a strategy for concentrating development in transport corridors and nodes, including issues such as development density, accessibility to public transport, the provision of local employment, services and facilities and parking restraint.

Development Density
There are a number of reasons why development density may promote more sustainable patterns of development. Less land is required for development, there is the potential to use energy more efficiently (by utilising CHP for example - see chapter 15) and the need to travel may be reduced ^[1]. Higher density development may also assist the introduction of the other measures that are part of a strategy for concentrating development in transport corridors and nodes (increasing the accessibility to public transport, providing more local employment, services and facilities and reducing the availability of parking).

Research evidence from a number of sources suggests that higher density development is associated with less travel (e.g. ECOTEC, 1993; Hillman and Whalley, 1983; Næss, 1993; Stead, 1999). Stead (1999) suggests a critical ward-level gross population density of 40 to 50 persons per hectare, at which travel distance is lowest. It should be noted, however, that a gross population density of 40 to 50 persons per hectare requires concentrations or clusters of development above this density if employment, services and facilities (as well as open space) are also to be provided locally (see below).

Accessibility to Public Transport
Ensuring good accessibility to public transport, in combination with the provision of walking and cycling networks, is crucial to reducing reliance on the car and promoting more sustainable alternative travel patterns. Good accessibility to public transport also makes it is possible to reduce the amount of parking for development, which in turn may help to promote the use of public transport.

Kitamura et al (1997) report that the distance from home to the nearest bus stop and railway station affects the mode of transport used for a journey. Cervero (1994) shows how the proportion of rail journeys decreases with increasing distance from the railway station. Residents living within 500 feet (approx. 150 metres) of a railway station typically use rail for approximately 30 per cent of all journeys, whereas residents living at a distance of 3,000 feet (approx. 900 metres) from the nearest railway station are likely to make only about 15% of all journeys.

The introduction of strict rules for the siting of new development may be necessary to guide new development to more sustainable locations, as in the Dutch ABC policy where the location of development is determined by the use of the development and its accessibility profile (see chapter 8).

Local Employment, Services and Facilities
The provision of local employment, services and facilities may reduce travel distance and increase the proportion of short journeys capable of being travelled by non-motorised modes. By reducing travel distance and reliance on the car, it also makes it is possible to reduce the availability of parking.

Hanson (1982) reports that the proximity to local facilities is associated with lower travel distance. Evidence from research by Winter and Farthing (1997) shows that the provision of local facilities in new residential developments reduces average trip distances. Farthing and Winter (1997) set out number of recommendations for promoting more sustainable travel patterns through the provision of local facilities, which include:

• clustering of facilities to maximise convenience and market
• ensuring that the most convenient location for facilities to minimise average travel distance
• giving priority to the design of high amenity footpaths and cycleways, providing direct access to facilities
• providing high quality environments in centres emphasising pedestrian comfort and constraining cars

Parking Restraint
Just as increased provision of parking and roadspace has led to difficulties in providing public transport and increases in car ownership and use (Figure 2), limiting parking provision might help to promote the use of public transport and discourage the ownership and use of the car.

Evidence from Kitamura et al (1997) shows that the availability of residential car parking is linked to both trip frequency and modal choice. Balcombe and York (1993) show that there is a greater tendency to walk in areas where residential parking is limited. Similarly, Valleley et al (1997) suggest a relationship between the modal split of commuting and parking provision at work. Stead (1999) reports that travel distance is lower in areas where residential parking is limited, suggesting two reasons for this. Firstly, the limited availability of parking may lead to more 'rational' car use as residents seek to reduce the number of journeys and hence the number of times they have to search for a parking space on their return home. Secondly, limited residential parking may also indirectly contribute to less travel by suppressing car ownership, which is a strong determinant of travel patterns (see Stead, 1999).

Synthesis
Copenhagen provides an example of how the above policies have been put into practice, where development has been concentrated in transport corridors and nodes. The strategy of concentrated development has been used in Denmark for some time to manage urban growth. Since the middle of the century, planning policies in the Copenhagen metropolitan area have encouraged decentralised concentration where population and employment have been guided into clusters along corridors (fingers) radiating from the city centre, whilst retaining green wedges between the corridors. Land-use policies have been used to promote a variety of features associated with more sustainable patterns of land use, such as:

• new development in accessible locations along public transport corridors
• the concentration of relatively self-contained new development at specific points along the 'fingers'
• retention of public open space and agricultural land in the 'green wedges'
• allocation of land for allotments and forestry
• balancing of population and employment within the metropolitan area

Table 5. Land Use Planning Measures to reverse current Environmental Impacts

Furthermore, the land use planning measures identified above are complementary and help to reinforce each other. Higher population densities may encourage the provision of local facilities by increasing the number of residents living nearby (although excessively high housing density standards may lead to residential areas being designed to maximise density at the expense of other types of development, such as local employment, services and facilities, unless policies to promote these are also in place).

Higher population density provides a larger potential market for public transport and is therefore complementary to public transport provision (Barton et al, 1995 illustrate how higher development density around bus stops might be used to maximise convenience and accessibility to public transport). Lower provision of residential parking allows more homes to be accommodated per unit area and is hence complementary with increases in development density. Balcombe and York (1993) report that higher densities may also encourage more efficient use of parking spaces and hence reduce the costs of providing parking.

Limited availability of parking may suppress car ownership and/or use, enhance the use of public transport and increase the frequency of public transport services. Residents of areas where residential parking is limited may prefer to use local facilities to avoid using the car (and a long search for a parking space on their return home).

The measures outlined above are designed to reduce the need to travel and decrease the reliance on the car. They are also measures for improving local environmental quality and making urban areas more attractive places in which to live, work, study and spend leisure time. However, other measures for improving urban environmental quality and quality of life may also be necessary if the strong trends away from living and working in urban areas are to be reversed. Other measures might include higher quality urban design (see chapter 17), improvements in safety (see chapter 13) and greater access to open space - important factors behind current urban depopulation. The combination of measures identified above may also improve quality of life issues, such as safety, security and vitality (Figure 5). Other types of measures, such as economic instruments and regulations might also be used to support and enhance the effect of these land use measures (see for example Stead, 1999).

Table 6. Characteristics of Demand-led and Supply-led Approaches to Planning

Settlements are becoming less sustainable according to a variety of environmental indicators. Indicators of resource consumption and environmental pollution show that a number of environmental impacts are worsening, even within the timescale of a single decade. In addition, the externalities of many environmental impacts are unequally spread: groups who experience most environmental pollution may be those who contribute least. Some of the indicators show that although environmental impacts are not currently increasing overall, certain sectors require particular attention if future increases in environmental impacts are to be avoided (in the transport sector for example). Technology might assist in reducing environmental pollution in the short and medium term, but other means of addressing the problem are also needed to in the longer-term. Land use planning has a role to play in this respect. Land use planning offers opportunities to reduce the environmental impacts of settlements and also offers the potential to address the social inequalities of environmental pollution. Planning has the potential to address the causes of transport problems rather than the effects.

Strong unsustainable trends require equally strong actions to reverse them. This requires action at all levels, including local-level decisions about the planning of neighbourhoods. A package of strong, complementary land use planning measures has the potential to begin to reverse the current unsustainable trends and improve quality of life in neighbourhoods. One such package contains measures that address issues of development density, accessibility to public transport, the provision of local employment, services and facilities and parking restraint, which together form a strategy for concentrating development in transport corridors and nodes. The measures may reduce the need to travel and decrease the reliance on the car, whilst at the same time may contribute to improvements in environmental quality, making local neighbourhoods more attractive places in which to live, work, study and spend leisure time (and therefore more self-contained). Other measures for improving urban environmental quality and quality of life may also be necessary if the strong trends away from living and working in urban areas are to be reversed. These might include higher quality urban design, improvements in safety and greater access to open space - important factors behind current urban depopulation. A variety of complementary measures, not just at the local level might also be used to support and enhance the effect of land use measures.

Bibliography

Acutt, M. and Dodgson, J. (1996) Policy Instruments and Greenhouse Gas Emissions from Transport in the UK. Fiscal Studies, Vol.17, No.2, pp. 65-82.

Balcombe, R.J. and York, I.O. (1993). The Future of Residential Parking. Transport Research Laboratory Report, Crowthorne.

Barton, H. (1997). Environmental Capacity and Sustainable Urban Form. in: Farthing, S. (ed). Evaluating Local Environmental Policy. Avebury, Aldershot. pp.78-96.

Barton, H.; Davies, G. and Guise, R, (1995). Sustainable Settlements - A Guide for Planners, Designers and Developers . Local Government Management Board, Luton.

Breheny M. (1992). Towards Sustainable Urban Development. In: Mannion, A.M. and Bowlby, S.R. (eds.) Environmental Issues in the 1990s . John Wiley and Sons Ltd., London. pp. 277-290.

Breheny, M. and Archer, S. (1998). Urban Densities, Local Policies and Sustainable Development. International Journal of Environment and Pollution, Vol.10, No.1, pp.126-150.

Breheny, M. and Rockwood, R. (1993). Planning the Sustainable City Region. In: Blowers, A. (ed.) Planning for a Sustainable Environment. Earthscan, London. pp.150-189.

Central Statistical Office (1997). Annual Abstract of Statistics . The Stationery Office, London.

Cervero, R. (1994). Transit-Based Housing in California: Evidence on Ridership Impacts. Transport Policy . Vol.1, No.3, pp.174-183.

Champion, T.; Atkins, D.; Coombes, M. and Fotheringham, S. (1998). Urban Exodus. CPRE, London.

Copenhagen Municipal Corporation (1993). Copenhagen Municipal Plan 1993 . The Lord Mayors Department, Municipal Corporation, Copenhagen.

Department of the Environment (1995). PPG13 A Guide to Better Practice. Reducing the Need to Travel through Land Use and Transport Planning . HMSO, London.

Department of the Environment (1996). Indicators of Sustainable Development for the United Kingdom . HMSO, London.

Department of the Environment (1997). United Kingdom National Air Quality Strategy . The Stationery Office, London.

Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions (1997). Land Use Change in England No.12 . Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions, London.

ECOTEC (1993). Reducing Transport Emissions Through Planning . HMSO, London.

Elkin, T.; McLaren, D. and Hillman, M. (1991). Reviving the City. Towards Sustainable Urban Development. Friends of the Earth/Policy Studies Institute, London.

Farthing, S. & Winter, J. (1997). Coordinating Facility Provision and New Housing Development: Impacts on Car and Local Facility Use. in: Farthing, S. (ed). Evaluating Local Environmental Policy . Avebury, Aldershot. pp.159-179.

Farthing, S.; Winter, J. and Coombes, T. (1997). Travel Behaviour and Local Accessibility to Services and Facilities. In: Jenks, M.; Burton, E. and Williams, K. (eds.) The Compact City. A Sustainable Urban Form? E. and F.N. Spon, London. pp.181-189.

Fielding, T. and Halford, S. (1990). Patterns and Processes of Urban Change in the United Kingdom: Reviews of Urban Research. HMSO, London.

Guy, S. & Marvin, S. (1996). Transforming Urban Infrastructure Provision - The Emerging Logic of Demand Side Management. Policy Studies, Vol.17, No.2, pp.137-147.

Hanson, S. (1982). The Determinants of Daily Travel-activity Patterns: Relative Location and Sociodemographic Factors. Urban Geography . Vol.3, No.3, pp.179-202.

Hillman M. and Whalley, A. (1983). Energy and Personal Travel: Obstacles to Conservation . Policy Studies Institute, London.

HM Government (1996). Household Growth: Where Shall We Live? The Stationery Office, London.

Howard, D. (1990). Looking Beyond the Technical Fix. Town and Country Planning. Vol.59, No.12, pp.343-345.

Kitamura, R.; Mokhtarian, P. and Laidet, L. (1997). A Micro-analysis of Land Use and Travel in five Neighbourhoods in the San Francisco Bay Area. Transportation. Vol.24, pp.125-158.

Korten, D. (1995). When Corporations Rule the World. Earthscan, London.

Næss, P. (1993). Transportation Energy in Swedish Towns and Regions. Scandinavian Housing and Planning Research . Vol.10, pp.187-206.

Newton, P.N. (ed.) (1997). Reshaping Cities for a More Sustainable Future - Exploring the Link between Urban Form, Air Quality, Energy and Greenhouse Gas Emissions. Research Monograph 6. Australian Housing and Research Institute, Melbourne.

Pharoah, T. (1992). Less Traffic Better Towns. Friends of the Earth, London.

Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution (1994). Eighteenth Report. Transport and the Environment . HMSO, London.

Royal Town Planning Institute (1991). Traffic Growth and Planning Policy. Royal Town Planning Institute, London.

Stead, D. (1999). Planning for Less Travel - Identifying Land Use Characteristics Associated with more Sustainable Travel Patterns, Unpublished PhD Thesis, Bartlett School of Planning, University College London, London.

Stead, D. and Davis, A. (1998). Increasing the Need to Travel? Parental Choice and Travel to School. Proceedings of Seminar C - Policy, Planning and Sustainability, 26th PTRC European Transport Forum , Loughborough, September. pp.75-88.

Thérivel, R. and Partidário, M.R. (1996). The Practice of Strategic Environmental Assessment . Earthscan, London.

Thérivel, R.; Wilson, E.; Thompson, S.; Heaney, D. and Pritchard, D. (1992). Strategic Environmental Assessment . Earthscan, London.

Valleley, M., Jones, P., Wofinden, D. and Flack, S. (1997). The Role of Parking Standards in Sustainable Development. Proceedings of Seminar C - Policy, Planning and Sustainability, 25th PTRC European Transport Forum, Uxbridge, September. pp.393-411.

Winter, J. and Farthing, S. (1997). Coordinating Facility Provision and New Housing Development: Impacts on Car and Local Facility Use. In: Farthing, S.M. (ed.) Evaluating Local Environmental Policy. Avebury, Aldershot. pp. 159-179.

^[1] Higher densities widen the range of opportunities for the development of local personal contacts and activities that can be maintained without resort to motorised travel. Higher densities widen the range of services that can be supported in the local area, reducing the need to travel long distances. Higher densities tend to reduce average distances between homes, services, employment and other opportunities which reduces travel distance. Higher densities may be more amenable to public transport operation and use and less amenable to car ownership and use, which have implications for modal choice.

Back to Index of evidence to the Environmental Planning Study